著者
別枝 行夫 Yukio BESSHI
雑誌
北東アジア研究 = Shimane journal of North East Asian research : North East Asian region (ISSN:13463810)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.29, pp.15-36, 2018-03-31

The normalization of Japan's political relationship with the People's Republic of China in 1972 was a drastic turning point in the history of international politics in East Asia district. The Japan's policy formation on the normalization of Japan-China relation was characterized by the prolongation of the issue as well as by the extent to which the matter attracted public sentiment and wide range of group interests became activated. In this paper, I try to clarify the following points :1)Who was / were the actual decision maker / decision makers and who was / were his / their advisor / advisors in Japan?2)What was the background of their behavior in Japan's domestic politics?3)Was there any discrepancy between the Japan-China normalization and Japan-U.S. relations (especially Japan-U.S. Security Treaty)?4)Why Komeitou (Clean Government Party) or Ysoshikatsu TAKEIRI could become the best advisor of prime minister Kakuei TANAKA?5)Why China or Zhou Enlai has chosen Komeitou or TAKEIRI himself as the best bridge between China and Japan? The paper emphasizes the importance of the roles played by the various non-governmental and / or non-bureaucratic groups without, however, denying the fact that crucial decisions were taken by a small group of politicians aided by bureaucratic experts.
著者
胡 藤 Teng HU
出版者
島根県立大学北東アジア地域研究センター
雑誌
北東アジア研究 = Shimane journal of North East Asian research : North East Asian region (ISSN:13463810)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.33, pp.1-17, 2022-03-31

Qian Daxin is one of the most representative scholars of the School of Evidential (kaozhengxue, koukyogaku) in Qing Era. He has a keen command of history studies and claims that Confucian Classics studies (jingxue) and history studies should not be treated separately. He believes that only studying both could prevent knowledge from becoming impractical like the Neo-Confucianism (school of principle, lixue, rigaku). This article takes his assessment of the Shi Tong (by Liu Zhiji) as a clue to analyze his understanding of historical records and what he perceives as the ideal way of historiography. Qian Daxin holds the point that the facts should be truthfully recorded, though the recording may be subject to interference by the political power of the time to ‘create myths’ to legitimate its rule. It is thus valuable to document other narratives of various historical sources to resist such political interference. Only in this way will the historical records be free from becoming moral judgments. And this means reading history will be to understand the ancients immanently through historical records. Qian’s point of view is usually seen to be close to Zhang Xuecheng’s, who is believed to hold a modern historiographical perspective. Although Zhang makes a similar point with Qian that all Confucian Classics should be regarded as historical materials instead of principles, he still attempts to establish in his historiography a continuous "orthodoxy" where the authority of political power overrides scholarship. Qian, unlike Zhang, focuses on discovering and understanding the specific ‘Other’, which was shared by most scholars of the School of Evidential at that time and is thus seen as the motivation of their studies.
著者
中野 耕太 nakano
出版者
島根県立大学北東アジア地域研究センター
雑誌
北東アジア研究 = Shimane journal of North East Asian research : North East Asian region (ISSN:13463810)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.32, pp.19-37, 2021-03-31

The purpose of this study is to consider whether "the regime of Yi Ui-min" really existed or not in the late 12th century Korea (Goryeo). Yi Ui-min was a military general who was born as a slave in Gyeongju. It is commonly accepted that he ruled the Goryeo government as the 4th leader of the "Goryeo military regime" from 1184 to 1196, when Choe Chung-heon assassinated him. It is difficult, however, to prove the existence of "the regime of Yi Ui-min" due to a lack of historical materials.This study examined the following three points to reconsider the theory of "the regime of Yi Uimin." Firstly, it examined how previous studies evaluated the regime. Through this examination, we found that previous studies had already pointed out the weakness of "the regime of Yi Uimin." Secondly, it critically discussed the theoretical grounds that support the regime’s existence. As a result, it was found that there are no historical records to support the claim directly. Thirdly, it analyzed the historical records that are inconsistent with the theory. The results revealed that Du Gyeong-seung was as powerful as Yi Ui-min, and that Yi Ui-min couldn’t overwhelm him till the end.The conclusion of this study is as follows; From 1184 to 1190 Yi Ui-min was not a prominent leader in the Goryeo government. From 1190 to 1196 there were two leaders, Yi Ui-min and Du Gyeong-seung in the Goryeo government. The common theory of "the regime of Yi Ui-min" says that Yi Ui-min ruled the Goryeo government then as a dictator, although he was less powerful than other military leaders. But the theory of "the dyarchy of Yi Ui-min and Du Gyeong-seung" is closer to the actual situation than that of "the regime of Yi Ui-min." The next paper will explore the relationship between these two leaders.
著者
江口 伸吾 Shingo EGUCHI
出版者
島根県立大学北東アジア地域研究センター
雑誌
北東アジア研究 = Shimane journal of North East Asian research : North East Asian region (ISSN:13463810)
巻号頁・発行日
no.29, pp.53-69, 2018-03-31

This article clarifies the evolution and features of Chinese 'deliberative democracy', which has drawn attention with its importance in 'the opinions of the CPC Central Committee on Strengthening the Work of Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference', publicly disclosed on February 8th, 2006, and contributed to the construction of the institution by publishing another document proposing to promote socialist consultative democracy on February 10th, 2015. From a viewpoint of 'the modernization of the state governance system and capacity', which was raised in the third plenary session of the 18th CPC Central Committee on November 12th, 2013, this article seeks to explore not only the purpose of 'deliberative democracy', which is inherent to democracy, but also the political and social context functioning as a tool of state governance. In so doing, this paper examines Zhejiang province as a wide variety of practices about 'deliberative democracy' in Chinese grassroots society including 'democratic deliberation' in Wenling city and 'village sage council' in Deqing county. This paper also considers the process of reconstructing consultative authoritarianism, which is currently attempting to balance democracy with governance in the Chinese government.